But the US just can't stand by and let itself and it's allies get bullied and dictated to by what is undeniably a weaker military force.
You seem to favor a strategy that is the least costly, that requires the least political effort on the part of the Americans, and fastest, which translates to the least effective.
In a speech in Washington DC on 16 April 2015, China’s ambassador to the U.S., Cui Tiankai, laid out Beijing’s view on the South China Sea. First, China will defend its sovereignty and maritime rights, even while it exercises restraint. Second, China seeks to resolve disputes through diplomacy. Third, on the specific issue of the upgrading of Chinese facilities in the South China Sea, this activity is “well within China’s sovereignty.” Finally, China’s overall foreign policy is “defensive in nature.” Therefore, in seeking to resolve the South China Sea disputes, Beijing seeks to co-operate with all regional states, and “particularly with the U.S.”
Further, the
Global Times reports that on 26 May 2015, China's Ministry of Transport hosted a ceremony on to mark the start of work on the two 50 metre tall multi-functional lighthouses on Huayang Jiao and Chigua Jiao islands, to enhance navigational safety in the South China Sea.
Wu Shicun, president of the government-affiliated National Institute for South China Sea Studies, said the lighthouses were among the first of planned civilian-use facilities in the region. "The reefs are located near an important commercial shipping route, so there will be continued development to maintain the security of those shipping lanes," he told Reuters.
So it's Ok Taiwan to teach the Philippines who is boss, but not China? While the Philippines tries to position itself as law abiding, the country does not always observe its own laws; and, on occasion, its agents engage in criminal acts of killing foreign nationals, while acting in an official capacity. In a second criminal killing at sea incident, the Philippine coast guard patrol (in Maritime Control Surveillance 3001) shot and killed a Taiwanese fisherman in May 2013. This resulted in Taiwan imposing economic sanctions against Philippines until the Philippine Government issued a formal apology, commenced investigations on the criminal act, compensated the fisherman's family; and the parties reinstated talks over fishing rights in the overlapping EEZ areas. Taiwanese sanctions against the Philippines were only lifted after the Philippines complied with these four conditions.
As CSIS reports: "Philippines, Taiwan engage in coast guard stand-off. The Philippine and Taiwanese coast guards became involved in a stand-off in the Luzon Strait on May 25 when a Philippine Coast Guard vessel interdicted a Taiwanese fishing boat it alleged was fishing in Philippine waters. Philippine authorities attempted to tow the fishing boat to shore but were confronted by a Taiwanese Coast Guard ship, which eventually negotiated the fishing vessel’s release. The Philippines and Taiwan are negotiating a fisheries agreement for waters claimed by both in the Luzon Strait."
Further, as far back as 1999, the Philippine Navy has been ramming and/or sinking Chinese fishing boats (incidents reported on 23 May 1999 and on 20 June 1990). The most recent reported incident of the Philippine Navy ramming a Chinese fishing boat that I know of was on 19 October 2011, which resulted in Manila issuing an apology to the Chinese embassy.
the issue may be dressed up as a US versus China spat but in fact it is already affecting the economy of the Philippines and no doubt other adjacent nations who rely on those waters for trade and fishing.
China is still learning, that its gambits in the Spratly Islands do not remotely serve its interests. Diplomacy by the US was working. However, US interests is not served by exaggerating the military threat. As
William Johnson writing for Reuters noted on 21 May 2015:
"Today the United States doesn’t have the resources in place for a major effort in the area unless it is willing to take some very great risks... A military confrontation holds little prospect of success.
In order to justify an aggressive approach, the United States must determine that the creation of these islands is threatening some vital U.S. interest. The claim that the new islands are disrupting the United States’ freedom of navigation is a red herring. To date, China has done nothing in the South China Sea to disrupt shipping. It has countered activities by other countries who assert their ownership and control in the region, notably Vietnam and the Philippines, and has asserted its own ownership and control by intercepting fishing vessels and placing oil rigs in the area. Yet none of these actions have disrupted shipping in the region. It is disingenuous for the United States to claim that by using military force to counter the island-building, it is asserting the freedom of international shipping to sail close to rocks and submerged reefs — an action no merchant vessel is likely to take.
Another flawed justification for U.S. military involvement is to defend peace and stability in the region. There have so far been no major military confrontations in the disputes between the five other countries that lay claims to the South China Sea... As long as the disputing countries are not coming to blows, the United States would be rash to risk a fight with a nuclear-armed China over China’s pursuit of its claims.
A final hollow justification for military action is that the United States needs to reassure its partners and allies in the region. The only U.S. ally that is a party to the dispute is the Philippines... The United States has always stood by its treaty obligations, but will not commit to defending disputed grounds in the South China Sea, because it doesn’t consider them Philippine territory.
A better approach is to strengthen American diplomatic efforts, taking full advantage of the upcoming U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue, and the subsequent state visit by Chinese President Xi Jinping. "
Tough for the Philippines, and there is very, very limited sympathy within ASEAN for a country that chose to disband it's air combat capability in 2005 by budget choice, with a navy that is armed like a coast guard. Beyond the fact that the Philippine Senate voted
not to renew the lease to US bases in 1991 (resulting in their closure), we also have to look back to some events in the 2003 to 2004 period for another example of this lack of reliability by the Philippines. On 20 May 2003, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (GMA) spoke of "unshakable resolve" in their support for the US in the White House on the 'War on Terror' (after the US invasion of Iraq on 19 March 2003). In return, the Bush II Administration provided Philippines with US$1 billion in benefits on the generalised system of preferences, increased quotas on textiles from the Philippines and a US$200 million special line of credit. Unfortunately, James Tyner (2005), writing on "Iraq, Terror and the Philippines will to War", described their approach at page 94:-
(i) as "a member of the Coalition of Opportunists", who tried to capitalize on the Iraqi reconstruction efforts and angle for a piece of the action. Tyner quoted the then Philippines Foreign Secretary Alberto Romulo as saying: "We have the names of 1 million workers, from skilled mechanical engineers to crane operators, with passports and are ready to go... But, when it comes to skilled labour, we definitely have the value added..."; and
(ii) fourteen months later, that "unshakable resolve" collapsed. In April 2004 a Filipino was abducted and in July 2004, another Filipino truck driver was abducted. In GMA administration's attempt to get the 2nd Filipino abductee released, Philippines gave in to the demands of the abductors and ordered the withdrawal of the Philippines' 51-strong contingent from Iraq. Subsequently, the GMA administration also banned Filipinos from working in Iraq.
The above incident clearly demonstrated to the Americans that when the going gets tough, the Philippines get going. Following the short but sharp down turn in the relations with the US (after the withdrawal of the AFP contingent from Iraq), Manila upgraded its relations with Beijing. This included annual defence talks and a visit to China by GMA in September 2004. In return the PRC donated US$1.2 million in heavy engineering equipment to the Philippines (6 bulldozers and 6 motorgraders).
Despite the ups and downs of the US-Philippines relations, the US is traditionally interested in access for its forces (through the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement signed on 28 April 2014 in Manila), which if I am not mistaken still subject to a local legal challenge under the present Aquino administration. A spokesman for the Philippine Supreme Court had previously said that the case, filed in May 2014, was still pending, and that the court has yet to decide when it would even open the hearing. The plaintiffs—a group of 12 academics, activists, lawyers and ex-lawmakers—likened the US-Philippine alliance to "an unequal and exploitative love affair," and argued that the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement violated the country's constitution because it had not been approved by the Philippine Senate.
I predict the hand justice will come down and China will suffer huge set backs in it's push for imperial expansion.:flash
I can also predict that you will be proven wrong. Some aspects of what China is doing is merely counter productive and not necessarily helpful in establishing itself as a leader of the region with its smart power initiatives, such as, President Xi Jinping’s signature foreign policy concept: “One Belt, One Road” (1BR) and the planned establishment of China’s new Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB).
Coincident with the Boao Forum on Asia Annual Conference and Xi Jinping’s keynote address emphasized China’s common destiny with Southeast Asian and other neighbors. A new action plan on 28 March 2015 suggesting steps to be taken under the rubrics of the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiatives. As published in
Comparative Connections on 15 May 2015, Robert SutterChin-Hao Huang notes that there are both economic and strategic benefits.
The perceived economic benefits are:
• China’s massive foreign exchange reserves are better employed in infrastructure development and investments abroad in Asia than being employed to purchase US government securities and other low-paying investments abroad.
• Asia’s massive need for infrastructure meshes well with China’s massive overcapacity to build it after 30 years of rebuilding China. It will allow competitive Chinese construction companies to continue productive growth in building Chinese-funded infrastructure in neighboring countries.
• Connecting remote western and southern regions of China with neighbors through modern infrastructure will serve to develop these regions more rapidly and help bridge the wide economic development gap between interior and coastal provinces in China.
• The infrastructure will allow many Chinese industries with excess capacity, or facing higher wage demands, or more stringent environmental restrictions in China to relocate to nearby Asian countries and continue to prosper and develop.
• Connecting with neighbors will facilitate trade and the increased use of the Chinese currency in international transactions.
• Developing trade routes including road, rail, and pipeline connections to China from the Arabian Sea through Pakistan, from the Bay of Bengal through Myanmar, and overland through Central Asian states and Russia will reduce China’s vulnerability to possible interdiction of sea-borne shipments of oil and other needed goods. In particular, Chinese strategists worry about such vulnerability of imports and exports passing through the Indian Ocean and the Strait of Malacca.
The perceived strategic benefits are:
• South China Sea territorial disputes and Chinese intimidation and divisive tactics in dealing with ASEAN and its member states have led to what some commentators see as “negativity” in recent China-Southeast Asian relations. These initiatives improve Chinese influence and image.
• The initiatives are an effective way to use China’s geographic location and large foreign exchange reserves in crafting policies and practices that offset US efforts to advance its regional influence and standing through the rebalance policy in Asia.
Further, in March 2015, 57 countries (including US allies like the UK, Germany, France, South Korea, the Philippines, Thailand and Australia), applied to join China’s new AIIB before the deadline for joining as a founding member. The new bank will have authorized capital of $100 billion, to be used in infrastructure projects throughout Asia. China says AIIB is expected to begin operations by the end of 2015, although some delegates are uncertain if every member country will be able to win legislative approval for the Articles of Agreement (or charter) that quickly.
For details on broader developments in the region, see this June 2015 CSIS study, titled "
Southeast Asia's Geopolitical Centrality and the US-Japan Alliance."