I hear you on this Rob.
Always the issue that defence expenditure is known but impact is not.
That said - what critical capability is there that NZ would need to develop NOW to provide a basis for expansion to deal with currently unknown future threats?
NZ has a modern defence force - so what would need to be added is reasonably limited:
+ Mine laying and counter measures
+ BAMS UAV
+ Tracked armour
+ Massed fires
+ AAW (Mistral in storage, beyond Mistral?)
Of these, I would have thought only the mine warfare and BAMS are critical to introduce now.
Once you start thinking about supporting international operations it gets broader but I am generally not convinced that NZ defence posture is that misguided.
Regards,
Massive
There are several aspects which make up the NZ defence posture which, over the years, I have mentioned as being either current or potential future issues.
One of the largest (which only now seems to be starting to change) is the perception/misperception of NZ's security situation. More specifically, it is the (IMO) false notion that only direct threats to NZ proper constitute a threat to NZ and her interests. If one looks at the current NZDF and how it is and has been sized and kitted out over the last 20+ years, then one can see how it has been transformed into what is more a policing and international peacekeeping force, as opposed to a proper defence force.
In terms of direct action, NZ has had a comparatively shrinking capability to detect, as well as engage targets, and has to get closer and closer to do so, while globally there have been expansions in standoff detection and engagement capabilities.
The above, when coupled with the increased impact globalization has had, has shown numerous times when events elsewhere in the world can have negative impacts on NZ, with NZ having little or no ability to prevent, respond, or mitigate either the event or impact. If one plays the "what if" game, where various scenarios are war gamed along with their potential outcomes and impacts, there is the potential for NZ to face some very damaging consequences, with little or no ability to manipulate the outcome in NZ's favour.
This is largely the result of repeated policy and budgetary decisions which have led to reductions in the size and capability of the NZDF, and also the relative capability of the NZDF to other forces.
Consider for example, air defence and/or the ability to control NZ airspace. At present has virtually no ability to do so. What capability currently exists consists of Mistral MANPADS (currently in storage and not in any maintenance or training programme IIRC), small arms/trashfire, and the self-defence capabilities of the
ANZAC-class FFH's which are due for upgrade. That means the NZDF has precious little ability to engage any hostile inbound, either around NZ or on a deployment away from NZ. Even something as simple as a man-packed drone could be beyond the ability of Kiwi troops to engage without outside help.
Or as another example, the RNZN realistically has a very limited ability to conduct anti-ship operations, especially at safe/standoff ranges. With only two proper warships, (again, both are due for upgrades) there are very few units available under the best of circumstances. When those same warships have to either rely upon a naval helicopter firing an AShM from within ~37 km of the target, or using the frigates own 5"/127mm naval gun and/or LWT to engage a hostile ship...
Putting those two deficiencies together, imagine how NZ would be able to become involved if a conflict broke out between India and the PRC and impacted the SLOC from the Mideast to Asia? Or Iran for some reason decided to restrict passage through the Straits of Hormuz? What if piracy off Somali and/or around the Straits of Malacca increased again, due to global preoccupation with a more significant danger/threat, like the current situation between North Korea and the US?
In many situations around the world, other nations will be impacted and become involved, however those other nations will (generally) be acting in their nations' respective best interests, which may not be beneficial to NZ. Further, there will most likely be times when other nations are not going to be interested in being involved, or are only willing to provide support but not take any leading role. If NZ is unable to 'step forward' if or when needed, then NZ will have little voice in outcomes, or perhaps even none at all.
Having the ability to perform HADR, as well as constabulary and international peace-keeping operations is very good. Configuring a defence force around just those roles is a potential invitation for non-friendly nations to exploit such limitations.