Appropriate reaction to the stationing of the Type 022 missile vessel in the South China Sea — Part 1
1. ASEAN does not care and will not stand with President Duterte when China crushes him, over a EEZ fisheries dispute in the South China Sea — given that he is the leader of a Chinese client state. In 2020,
Duterte stated that China was in “possession” of the South China Sea and underscored his position that it was futile to act against it. This is all the signal China needs to confirm his real lack of resolve. Nearly five years of downplaying Chinese moves and kowtowing to Chinese positions in the contested maritime region in a manner harmful to ASEAN unity have resulted in a
fait accompli by turning Whitsun Reef into an anchorage. "Most importantly, the Philippines must abandon its individualist, defeatist, and clientelist mind-set, and mercenary attitude toward geopolitics, hoping China will reciprocate with great favours and unrestricted benevolence,” as
Jay Batongbacal said.
(a) Under Indonesia’s (as ASEAN’s largest country) and Brunei’s (as Chairman) leadership, I am not optimistic of an unified ASEAN response to China’s move to convert the South China Sea into a Chinese lake. 2020 is an important year for Indonesia-China relations. The ties between Jakarta and Beijing have
increased and expanded, not only in political and economic fields, where China is now Indonesia’s most crucial trading partner and investor, but also in defence and cultural realms.
(b) Following Prabowo Subianto’s inauguration as defence minister in 2019, China was the first major power he
visited for talks with Chinese counterpart General Wei Fenghe and deputy chairman of China’s Central Military Commission General Xu Qiliang. Plans had been
mooted for a US $200 million purchase of naval patrol ships from China, and although the idea was
reportedly abandoned.
(c) Replacing its previous
soft protest against China’s actions in the South China Sea, Indonesia has recently taken more aggressive steps. In May 2020, Indonesia, through a strongly worded diplomatic note to the United Nations, also
rejected Beijing’s
claim that its maritime rights and interests in the South China Sea are guaranteed under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. The problems in the relationship might not soon disappear. But Indonesia-China cooperation looks set to continue to increase.
2. I offer my condolences to the Philippines for:
(i) deciding not to invest in a real air force, by choosing not to order F-16V before the end of Duterte’s term of office in June 2022 and failing to maintain their C-130 fleet;
(ii) deciding not to invest more in procuring capable frigates (like the HDF-3800 frigates from HHI, the Mogami-class frigate from MHI or the Admiral Ronarc’h class FDI frigate from the Naval Group), instead they bought two poorly armed Jose Rizal class corvettes from South Korea; and
(iii) deciding to down grade ties with the US by threatening to cancel the VFA; in Feb 2021, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte went so far as to say that the US must pay if it wants to keep a two-decade-old troop deployment agreement with his country that is central to US strategy in Asia.
3. If the Pinoys were serious about growing their air and naval capabilities, they would place a follow-on order of 6 more Jose Rizal class corvettes from HHI and an initial order of 36 F-16Vs.
4. Anything less than 6 to 8 corvettes for presence and 2 MRF fighter squadrons is just mere puff. If they at least did the minimum of ordering MICA NG missiles for the Jose Rizal class corvettes to gain a basic air warfare capability, I would recognise their modernisation efforts but since that is not done, their efforts thus far is seen by me as lame and ineffective.