Yep agreeGuys, regardless of the "political motives" one way or another of each side, would it be fair to say that the context as to whether NZ should or shouldn't have an ACF was a product "of its time" eg the end of the Cold War (the Soviet threat in the Pacific/SE Asia had vanished overnight), the end of joint training and military cooperation with the US (the demise of ANZUS in a NZ context) and like the 1960's hippies always wanted (lets include Clark, even Mapp and Bradford I guess ) "peace" had broken out!
China is pursuing its right to be a Great Power. It once was and will be again and nobody has a real problem with that. What is causing the tensions is Chinas methodology in asserting its place in the world and right to be a Great Power. For example, the recent Air Defence Identification Zone would not have raised hackles if it had followed international norms. However, it did not because China is trying to assert Chinese domestic law on international airspace. Another form of attempted Chinese dominance is when the Provincial Government of Hainan enacted a law that came into effect (1 January 2014) that prevents all foreign fishing vessels from fishing in the South China Sea including the Spratly Islands. This area extends into the Philippines EEZ and the closest point to the Chinese coast is 600 nautical miles. China is a signatory to the United Nations Convention on Law Of the Sea (UNCLOS). Hence, this begs the question of what are Chinas real intentions? Actions speak louder than words and on July 8, 2013, the Hong Kong pro-PRC Chinese-language newspaper, Wenweipo published a story entitled "Six Wars China Is Sure to Fight In the Next 50 Years"Shouldn't the question today though is what, if anything, has changed? One thing for a start we now have a new emerging Superpower in "our" region, one that we and the rest of the Western world is at peace with, trades with and is co-dependant on. But how will that relationship change over the next eg 20 years and would it be prudent to make precautions?
- The 1st War: Unification of Taiwan (Year 2020 to 2025)
- The 2nd War: “Reconquest” of Spratly Islands (Year 2025 to 2030)
- The 3rd War: “Reconquest” of Southern Tibet (Year 2035 to 2040) - part of India
- The 4th War: “Reconquest” of Diaoyu Island [Senkaku] and Ryukyu [Okinawa] Islands
(Year 2040 to 2045) - The 5th War: Unification of Outer Mongolia (Year 2045 to 2050)
- The 6th War: Taking back of lands lost to Russia (Year 2055 to 2060)
These Colonels and other officers of the PLA making these statements in public and in the media would not be doing so, without the sanction of higher authority and that would in this case be the Politburo and Xi Jinping in particular.25 Xi has taken steps ensuring that the PLA answers to him and he has it fully under his control.
China is developing a "String of Pearls" across the Asian seascape from China to Pakistan with nexus (pearl) at strategic ports along the string. This is a geopolitical strategy with the Chinese government and Chinese companies funding and building port and infrastructure upgrades. This strategy runs in conjunction with the Silk Road strategy which is eventual the overload route from China through to Europe with the Chinese government and companies again funding and building infrastructure projects The string of pearls not only is an economic phenomena but also a military and security one with China believed to be also negotiating berthing and logistical support agreements for surface and subsurface vessels of the Peoples Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) in some countries such as Pakistan and Myanmar, plus surveillance facilities at some locations in the Indian Ocean. China has developed a sea control strategy based upon fixed lines drawn through two island chains encroaching upon other nations territory from the Kuril Islands to the Andaman Islands in the Indian Ocean including United States islands and military bases in the Pacific. It is important to note that the island chains encompass the main shipping routes between the Indian Ocean into the Pacific Ocean via the Straits of Malacca, Sunda Straits and the Lombok Straits with the vast majority going through the South China Sea to nations such as Singapore, China, Thailand, Taiwan, Brunei, South Korea and Japan. Furthermore there is shipping lanes to nations such as Australian and New Zealand. This would be an issue to these nations if China was to develop a security hegemony over the area.
The current South China Seas disputes with Chinese assertiveness and "island" construction there is increasing tensions within the region. Since Xi has been appointed General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), China has been more aggressive in asserting its perceived claims to territories, within the Chinese nine dashed line map that China legally has no claim to undercurrent international law. The CCP in 2012 determined that the South China Sea was a core national asset. The 2015 Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) Yearbook, cited by Gady, states that is increasing tensions in Asia by its efforts in reshaping the "regional military - security dynamic" China has been coercive in its approach to its claims in the South China Sea. Whilst it hasn't overtly used open military force this time it is using the paramilitary Chinese Coastguard to enforce its claims whether or not they have any legal status under the UNCLOS. This is a direct challenge to the rules based world order that has existed since the end of the Second World War.
China is using the dispute in the South China Sea to obtain as much maritime territory as it can in order to enforce a new status quo arrangement that will see it remain in control of the territory that it has coerced from neighbouring states without a return to the status quo ante. This redefinition of the status quo is not going to cease until China either achieves hegemony or is shown that it cannot continue down this path without some form of consequences. China is reclaiming land and building artificial islands in order to bolster its claims and artificial islands are excluded from territorial claims in UNCLOS. Furthermore it has not honoured the agreement it signed with the Association of South East Asian Nations in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, regarding conduct about disputes in the South China Sea.
If we don't have the ACF then we definitely should have P8s or P1s with long range stand off weapons that that keep the launch platform well outside any warships SAM umbrella. Concerning the Navy, definitely should have shipborne long range stand off weapons capability permanently fitted to the ship, not just the ships helo and a third frigate.How is our relationship with the US now? We now have joint exercises in NZ with them as well as over in Australia and on the US continent itself. (There are obviously some sticking points in terms of US naval visits to NZ itself but in time ....). Finally what happened to the "benign" strategic environment that NZ was meant to be in? Looks like "peace" has flown out the door!
After a couple of decades in the wilderness it seems pretty clear that the NZDF is rebuilding itself and to be inter-operable with a range of friends and allies again, meaning investment has (as is) rightfully being put into these areas and capabilities. It takes time (and a lot of money) to build these up.
I guess NZ isn't "there yet" for an ACF restoration (who knows that could be an issue post-2020, if at all) but I guess it would be prudent to make little steps in that direction. Perhaps the T-6 acquisition is one of them?
Volk, the other day (and others in the past) have raised the more likely (funding wise) scenario of putting RNZAF personnel through the ADF training system and perhaps ultimately NZ building up a flight (what 3 or so aircraft) of comparable aircraft in the interim. Somehow then Volks sensible suggestion veered of to discussions on pretty much a full ACF restoration, which won't happen like that cost and priority wise!
It will be interesting to see if the forthcoming Whitepaper makes a hint of any of this (I guess, publically, it will be unlikely), or whether that is something for the Whitepapers in 2020 etc. I guess all we can do is, whenever we run into politicians at events, is to raise these issues so that they are aware of public interest, which may be small (and small things can develop into bigger things over time), but that's better than none or saying nothing at all!
Finally is an ACF the answer, or for a maritime nation like NZ, is the longer-range P-8 (etc) brimming with long-range stand off missiles and supporting surveillance/satellite capabilities the answer? Plus better Navy (and ship-borne offensive) capabilities etc?
I would suggest say 12 AW109 Helicopters, fully marinised, armoured, fitted with FLIR, Electro Optical Targeting System, add-on 25mm gun pod, 70mm Hydra rocket pods compatible with the Advanced Precision Kill Weapon System (APKWS) as Armed Reconnaissance Helicopters because they give the army a capability that they have needed for many years. Whilst fast jets can provide Close Air Support (CAS) the ARH provides more than just guns and rockets. It also is the eyes of the ground commander and can provide air support very quickly if needed. The AW109 suggested is not an anti tank helicopter designed to combat heavy tanks. It is armed so that it combat light forces, vehicles and light armoured vehicles. Augusta Westland advertise the aircraft with 2 x 12.7mm (.50 cal) gun pods however whilst they are good a single 25mm auto cannon would be of similar weight, provide greater fire power and range, and keep the aircraft out of heavy machine gun range.Putting aside Army close air support of course, which the Army appears to be suggesting that because they will deploy with other like minded coalitions the appropriate ACF assets will already be provided (although perhaps NZ then could invest in more rotary support assets to deploy with Army)?
I came across this today regarding the Kawasaki P1 and IF the costs cited in the article are correct then it would be a better deal for NZ to acquire the P1. US$150 million vs US$250 million for the P8 certainly makes for a reasonably strong argument especially if the platforms have similar capabilities. On the face of it if the money in the budget could only buy four P8s then the same money could acquire six P1s with possibly some change. This is an RUSI article on it authored by JMSDF officer. I believe that it is worth having a serious look at.Perhaps we need to adjust our mindsets?
Now something else that I spotted the LockMart are looking at as a future air transport. It is a concept but they are investing money in it so they think it's worth going further with. The thing I like about it is that according to them it's scalable so you can have a C5 sized one or a B757 sized one. This is way in the future and definitely not in our timeline.