Xi Jinping, the CCP, & the Future Direction of the PRC.
Part One.
Xi Jinping has his third term and the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC) of his choice, possibly bar one, but we’ll come to that later. According to PRC law the roles of the new PSC aren’t formal until they are approved by the Legislative Assembly of the PRC which meets next March (2023). However, that’s a rubber stamp because, IIRC, the PRC Legislative Assembly comprises of the Central Committee of the CCP, all 2,000+ members of it. The important point to remember is what the CCP decides is what will happen, and everyone is required to fully support it regardless. However, what this means is that I Jinping is now the most powerful CCP leader since Mao Zedong and he may eventually eclipse Mao in the CCP pantheon of gods.
Xi Jinping is a princeling, one who’s father was a founding member of the CCP or who was on the Long March with Mao. The princelings are the royalty of the CCP, they carry considerable influence and sway and most importantly they are an elite group that support each other and the raison d’etre of the CCP. Notably both Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao are not princelings so whilst they reached the top, they didn’t command the respect of the princelings. Palace politics. Xi’s rise to the top was almost surreptitious because he did what was required and in 2012 was the compromise candidate for the General Secretary position because the factions couldn’t agree on the other two candidates. Jiang supported him because he saw him as pliable and not a threat whilst Hu and the other factions saw him as someone that could be persuaded. Lei explains it in the following video on Xi’s rise to power.
That turned out well for them with the Jiang faction being hunted and purged and Hu probably purged.
Now Xi has the PSC of at least five of his own people, with the sixth Wang Huning being a member of the Jiang faction.
Of the old PSC above only three made it through to the new PSC, Xi, Zhao Leji, and Wang Huning. Of the rest it was thought that Han Zheng would’ve have been the Premier and both Li Keqiang and Wang Yang had a good chance of getting through. However, both Li and Wang Yang were demoted with Li being demoted completely out of the Central Committee. Some believe this may have led to Hu Jintao being rather forthright in either the Saturday morning closed session or at some stage prior which resulted in Xi purging him in public at the media session. If this was the case, then it was a very good way of sending a message that no one was untouchable. That leads to another question. Where was Jiang Zemin all week? Yes, he’s 96 and most likely frail but he would’ve made every effort to have been present. There’s one old senior leader who’s 105 and makes himself known in public now and again. So I think that Jiang Zemin was prevented from attending which is very possible, is genuinely in poor health, or has been purged. I am leaning towards the latter.
The new PSC is:
Li Qiang
Li, 63, was elevated from Shanghai party chief — a position that has almost always meant a promotion to the standing committee. He will succeed Li Keqiang as premier next March. According to his official bio, Li started off as a technical worker at just 17 years of age. He later studied at various institutions and obtained an EMBA from the Hong Kong Polytechnic University in 2005. Li’s career path overlapped with Xi’s in the eastern coastal province of Zhejiang, when Li was a city party boss and later a secretary-general in the provincial party committee directly under Xi. He spent his entire career in Zhejiang before Xi promoted him to head Jiangsu Province in 2016. Li’s career advanced despite criticism for his handling of Shanghai’s chaotic two-month COVID-19 lockdown earlier this year. His likely promotion to the premiership will break the convention that the premier must have first served as a vice-premier. But a revised law last year made it possible for the standing committee of the National People’s Congress — China’s rubber-stamp parliament — to appoint Li as a vice-premier before it sits in March to meet the requirement, the South China Morning Post previously reported.
Zhao Leji
Zhao Leji, 65, will serve a second term on the committee and will likely head the NPC. Zhao spent his adolescent years in Qinghai Province but his family is originally from Shaanxi Province, the ancestral home of Xi. Zhao speaks with a Shaanxi accent, and some accounts claim that his father was a friend of Xi’s. Zhao went on to study philosophy at Peking University. He later returned to Qinghai, where, at 42, became China’s youngest provincial governor in 2000. Although not a well-known figure in the party at the time, Zhao in 2012 was chosen to head its organizational department, where he helped promote Xi supporters to top positions in important places like Beijing and Chongqing. Zhao became a close aide to Xi while helping to build the foundations of the leader’s first term. When former Chongqing party chief Sun Zhengcai was brought down in July on corruption charges, it was Zhao who made the trip to explain the situation to local officials.
Wang Huning
Wang Huning, 67, is one of China’s top thinkers on both domestic and foreign affairs, having served under every party chief since Jiang Zemin. He is also serving a second term on the Politburo Standing Committee and is expected to head China’s top political advisory body. Wang is perhaps best known for drafting Jiang Zemin’s “Three Represents” political theory and Hu Jintao’s “Scientific Outlook on Development.” He also helped flesh out Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream,” which the president promoted upon taking office. His idea that authority must be concentrated at the top to promote reform is central to Xi’s political ideology. Although Wang’s family is from Shandong Province, he was born in Shanghai in 1955. He began to make his mark in 1985 when he became an associate professor at the prestigious Fudan University at the age of 30. Wang is fluent in French and has studied in the U.S. He is known for not hesitating to speak up to his superiors. Known for his quick temper, he gave up on studying in Japan when he was asked to provide a detailed list of his prior schooling.
Cai Qi
Cai, 66, is promoted from Beijing party chief, and has worked under Xi in both Fujian and Zhejiang. He worked in rural areas for a couple of years during the Cultural Revolution before going to study and work at Fujian Normal University. Cai may have forged a close relationship with the future president when they worked together in the Fujian provincial party committee in the 1990s. In 2014, Cai moved to Beijing to work at the newly established CCP National Security Commission, headed by Xi. He became party leader of the Chinese capital in 2017 and was made the chairman of the Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics and Paralympics Organizing Committee.
Ding Xuexiang
Ding, 60, is one of Xi’s key aides. The trained engineer, who spent the first 17 years of his career at Shanghai Research Institute of Materials, has been promoted from director of the Central Committee’s General Office. Ding, who on trips to Hong Kong and Xinjiang this year, worked under China’s leader as a secretary-general in Shanghai in 2007. He had spent his career in the financial hub before winning a promotion in 2013 as the director of the President’s Office in Beijing.
Li Xi
Li, 66, joins the standing committee as the head of corruption watchdog the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. Li is a native of Liangdang County in Gansu Province, where Xi’s father Xi Zhongxun led an uprising in 1932. He worked in Gansu for 25 years, including a stint as a secretary of the then provincial party chief Li Ziqi, who was a former subordinate of the elder Xi. Li got to know Xi when he accompanied Li Ziqi on visits to the elder Xi in Beijing and Shenzhen, according to Hong Kong’s Ming Pao newspaper. Li spent the next seven years in Shaanxi Province working under No.3 Zhao Leji. He impressed Xi by trying to make Liangjiahe, the village where Xi spent his youth during the Cultural Revolution, a “sacred place.” Li later held leadership positions in Shanghai and Liaoning before replacing Hu Chunhua as Guangdong party chief in 2017, when he also became a Politburo member.
Li Qiang will be the new Premier and this is a break from tradition because the Premier has always been a Vice Premier. The only exception to this was when Chou En Lai was the first Premier. It can be seen why Xi has kept Wang Huning on. In the old CPSU Politburo he would be the Party theoretician, the High Priest so to speak.