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Many Chinese believe that Trump accelerated American decline —Part 1
2. China’s system internally selected Xi Jinping, as General Secretary, to reform and he has a charter for reform, if it is not squandered. Thus far the reforms seems to be real and deep reaching within this dysfunctional system’s parameters; but he has concentrated power to a degree never before seen — it is not useful to think of Xi Jinping as having ended the CCP’s internal democracy that Deng Xiaoping had established.
3. The rise of a new power-seeking faction under the patronage of President Xi is one of the biggest developments in elite Chinese politics over the past three decades. What is his purpose? Is it only for control? I suspect that is not the only way to look at these changes. Countries in Asia have to navigate a difficult middle path from 2030 to 2049 because of China’s awareness of its looming weaknesses; and not because of its strength. China is a threat because it has a system but China’s weakness is also because of the limitations of the same system.
4. The Chinese bureaucracy involves two vertical hierarchies, the state and the party. These two vertical hierarchies are then replicated across the five levels of government: central, provincial, county, city, and township. A certain level of local knowledge is needed to help the PLA become self-aware of the harm it is doing to itself. Unfounded prejudice that I often see in other forums will create an unnecessary enemy, when there is scope to both cooperate and to push back.
5. Chinese politicians can be divided into 7 distinct groups based on their nature of connection with President Xi: princelings, Shaanxi, Tsinghua University, Hebei, Fujian, Zhejiang, and Shanghai. Each of these 7 groups represent a particular stage in Xi’s political career. Therefore, all the members of the Xi Gang essentially formed a relationship with the leader as Xi rose up the ranks.
1. Viewing the CCP as a monolith is misleading, and impedes the understanding of domestic Chinese politics, and the dynamics of factional politics within it. If you choose to see China through this sort of lens, you will lose insight on how to actually deter the PLA by working to build understanding without prejudice — unfounded prejudice is what will cause American and Japanese efforts to resist the PLA’s growth to fail.The rhetoric coming out of the PRC reminds me of the rhetoric that enamated from Nazi Germany in the mid 1930s with the talk of avenging the wrongs of the Treaty of Versailles and talk of lebensraum.
2. China’s system internally selected Xi Jinping, as General Secretary, to reform and he has a charter for reform, if it is not squandered. Thus far the reforms seems to be real and deep reaching within this dysfunctional system’s parameters; but he has concentrated power to a degree never before seen — it is not useful to think of Xi Jinping as having ended the CCP’s internal democracy that Deng Xiaoping had established.
3. The rise of a new power-seeking faction under the patronage of President Xi is one of the biggest developments in elite Chinese politics over the past three decades. What is his purpose? Is it only for control? I suspect that is not the only way to look at these changes. Countries in Asia have to navigate a difficult middle path from 2030 to 2049 because of China’s awareness of its looming weaknesses; and not because of its strength. China is a threat because it has a system but China’s weakness is also because of the limitations of the same system.
4. The Chinese bureaucracy involves two vertical hierarchies, the state and the party. These two vertical hierarchies are then replicated across the five levels of government: central, provincial, county, city, and township. A certain level of local knowledge is needed to help the PLA become self-aware of the harm it is doing to itself. Unfounded prejudice that I often see in other forums will create an unnecessary enemy, when there is scope to both cooperate and to push back.
5. Chinese politicians can be divided into 7 distinct groups based on their nature of connection with President Xi: princelings, Shaanxi, Tsinghua University, Hebei, Fujian, Zhejiang, and Shanghai. Each of these 7 groups represent a particular stage in Xi’s political career. Therefore, all the members of the Xi Gang essentially formed a relationship with the leader as Xi rose up the ranks.
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