U.S. lets down 'New Europe'

During the war with Iraq, Polish special forces fought alongside U.S. and British forces, and Czech, Slovak and Ukrainian weapons specialists were on standby in Kuwait in case of chemical attack. In September, soldiers deployed by Central European states, among others, and commanded by Poland, replaced 10,000 U.S. Marines stationed in Iraq's south central region. Today, soldiers from nine of NATO's newest members patrol five provinces south of Baghdad. On Nov. 6, the first soldier from “New Europe” serving alongside American forces in Iraq, Major Hieronim Kupczyk of Poland, was killed in action.

Central European leaders felt that in supporting America, they were standing up to predominantly antiwar European powers at their peril. President Jacques Chirac of France even hinted that countries that joined with America could find their bids for European Union membership blocked.

Before and after the war, high-level meetings between top U.S. and Central European officials indicated a level of engagement that many Central European leaders presumed would carry over into the postwar reconstruction phase. Central European officials state categorically that real expectations were created.

In early March, the State Department invited representatives of more than 30 countries to discuss postwar reconstruction of Iraq. The Czech foreign minister, Cyril Svoboda, said he had conveyed to Secretary of State Colin Powell on that occasion his country's interest in participating in the postwar reconstruction of Iraq. On April 15, the spokesman for the Slovak president stated that Commerce Secretary Don Evans had given the Slovak minister of economy a list of sectors pertaining to Iraqi reconstruction in which Slovak companies could participate. The expectations of Central European leaders were clear.

Central European states' longtime links with Iraq have given them knowledge that could contribute to the country's reconstruction. During the cold war, much of Iraq's infrastructure, including power plants, airports and bridges, was built with the help of engineers from Poland, Hungary and Ukraine. But since the end of the war, not a single reconstruction contract has been awarded to a company from Central Europe, while the large American corporations Bechtel and Halliburton have been awarded contracts amounting to more than $3 billion.

There is growing skepticism among Central European publics regarding the participation of their troops in this foray. According to one public opinion poll, at the beginning of October nearly 60 percent of Poles surveyed stated they were against continuing a Polish military presence in Iraq. When the Slovak Ministry of Defense dispatched soldiers to Iraq in March, only 25 percent of the Slovak public approved.

Engaging Central European companies in the rebuilding effort would be an act of political responsibility and would be tactically smart. It would draw these nations, soon to be members of the European Union and joint framers of its security policy, closer to America's vision for European security. Today's other postwar theaters, Afghanistan and the Balkans, show that European involvement in hot spots is likely to provide substantial burden-sharing and yield longer staying power than the United States may be willing or able to sustain.

America is not only losing traditional allies, it is now losing the support of new allies. High expectations created by the Bush administration have resulted in the feeling that the United States is not keeping its end of the deal. This reduces the prospect that the states of “New Europe” will join the United States in future military ventures. When America solicits the help of its friends and allies, attending to their interests, in addition to its own, is crucial to maintaining their allegiance and support in the long run.