Mexican military on drug war's front lines
As civilian law enforcement agencies in Mexico struggle to rebuild amid internal corruption and heavily armed criminal gangs, the military has stepped in as never before in northern drug-trafficking corridors from Chihuahua to Baja California.
Scarcely a week goes by without a major announcement: Soldiers rescue kidnap victims, detain suspect police officers, catch dangerous cartel members. Soldiers seize loads of narcotics and caches of automatic weapons, displaying them at the foot of the giant flagpole that rises from the Morelos military base near downtown Tijuana.
Crime-weary residents have welcomed the troops, but some experts worry that the longer the soldiers take on a civilian law enforcement role, the more susceptible they could become to the pressures of organized crime.
Gen. Alfonso Duarte Múgica, commander of the 2nd Military Zone, which covers most of Baja California, said he believes the coming months will be critical for gaining the upper hand over criminal gangs.
“I think this year will be decisive for the decrease of violence and kidnapping,” the brigadier general said in a rare interview at his hillside base near downtown Tijuana.
“But we need to make sure that along with security, there is development. We need to stimulate the economy so that many people who are unemployed are not recruited by criminals.”
President Felipe Calderón dispatched tens of thousands of troops – experts put the number at 30,000 to 45,000 – to drug-trafficking and production hot spots across Mexico when he took office in December 2006.
More than two years later, sand-colored Humvees and trucks filled with soldiers have become a common sight rumbling down major thoroughfares at the front lines of Mexico's war on traffickers.
“President Calderón understood more clearly than anything the fact that if he didn't take on the cartels, the cartels were going to be running the country in the next five years,” said Michael Braun, former operations chief for the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration. He is now with the Spectre Group, a Virginia-based consulting company that specializes in security issues.
The military, one of Mexico's strongest and most respected institutions, has long been known for its role in disaster assistance. Its anti-drug efforts have historically focused on eradication in drug-producing states such as Michoacan and Sinaloa.
Its new role has it taking on duties traditionally carried out by civilian forces, but Duarte stressed that his troops are acting in a supportive role.
This is a “a stopgap measure to enhance the capabilities of law enforcement” while the civilian agencies are rebuilt, said Arturo Sarukhan, Mexico's ambassador to the United States. “Once these newly vetted, restructured civilian units are in place, the armed forces will be pulled out of their law enforcement role.”
Human rights advocates warn that soldiers are not trained for civilian law enforcement duties. Mexico's National Commission for Human Rights reports that the most common complaints against the military across Mexico in recent years have involved illegal searches and “cruel and or degrading treatment.”
The commission last year reported 631 complaints against the military in 2008, which is more than double the previous year, a trend that some analysts attribute to the armed forces' growing involvement in anti-drug operations. The commission did not offer separate state tallies, but Baja California human rights officials said they so far have received no complaints.
And though far more trusted than civilian forces, even the military has shown it can be infiltrated by drug traffickers. The most famous case occurred in 1997 with the detention of Gen. Jesús Gutiérrez Rebollo, head of the country's anti-drug efforts.
The biggest complaint from prosecutors and crime investigators has been that their cases are jeopardized when soldiers don't respect crime scenes, and make mistakes when they gather evidence or conduct arrests. But they acknowledge they need the military's support, often for their own protection.
“I do think it's not the best way; the military is not a law enforcement agency,” said Jorge Tello Peón, Calderón's special adviser on security issues, in a recent talk at the Institute of the Americas at the University of California San Diego. “But it's important to get their support in order to develop the abilities of law enforcement agencies.”
Tijuana residents have welcomed the soldiers. Residents responding to a poll in December by the daily newspaper Frontera gave 92 percent approval to military patrols on city streets.
At a shopping center in eastern Tijuana one afternoon last week, shoppers repeatedly echoed that assessment.
“You feel safer when they're around,” said Jesús Rentería, a 32-year-old laborer.
“We respect them more,” said Raúl González Castro, a 45-year-old sales agent. “We trust them more than police.”
The military has established direct contact with residents through telephone tip lines and e-mails, and citizen complaints have been key to its success.
Although comparison figures from civilian agencies are not available, drug seizures reported last year by the 2nd Military Zone are significant: They include 73,496 kilograms of marijuana, 66.2 kilograms of heroin and 4,841 doses of crystal methamphetamine. Soldiers confiscated $690,429 in U.S. currency, destroyed 155 clandestine airstrips and detained 740 suspects, military figures show.
Yet the military's increased presence has coincided with unprecedented violence; Tijuana registered a record 843 homicides last year.
Authorities attribute the violence in Tijuana and other trafficking hot spots to conflicts between drug groups and to the traffickers trying to defeat the Calderón administration's effort to shut them down.
The Tijuana region has long been dominated by the Arellano Félix drug cartel, which lost its last strong leader in 2006 with the capture of Francisco Javier Arellano.
Violence soared last year as the cartel's remnants, led by Fernando Sánchez Arellano, fought off a challenge by a former cartel lieutenant, Eduardo Teodoro García Simental, who has forged an alliance with a Sinaloa group.
“There is nothing we would like more than to capture them,” Duarte said, adding that their capture depends on “more intelligence, in all aspects.”
The military's relationship with Baja California's civilian authorities was less than smooth last year, following public accusations of corruption by Gen. Sergio Aponte Polito, then commander of the 2nd Military Zone, which covers Sonora, Baja California and Baja California Sur.
In August, he was replaced by Gen. Sergio Magaña Mier, who is Duarte's superior. Magaña and Duarte have forged close ties with civilian law enforcement authorities in the area.
Baja California's attorney general, Rommel Moreno Manjarrez, who clashed openly with Aponte, said his forces now “collaborate completely” with the military on kidnapping cases.
As in other parts of Mexico, retired army officers are serving in key civilian law enforcement positions, both at the state and municipal levels, and this has helped ease communication with the military.
“We're in daily contact,” said Julian Leyzaola, a retired lieutenant colonel who is Tijuana's secretary of public safety. “If mi general calls, I'm there, and when I have something to tell him, I go straight to him.”
Nobody knows how long the military will remain in this role.
Leyzaola said that after years of corruption, it will take time to rebuild Tijuana's police department. While there are many good officers, Leyzaola said, “there are many people we still need to get rid of – I call them criminals disguised as police. But this is a department that wants to recover its dignity.”
Some fear that reliance on the military hampers Mexico's efforts to develop civilian police forces capable of resisting the pressures of organized crime.
“The question for me comes back to what happens when they leave,” said Joy Olson, executive director of the Washington Office on Latin America. “The civilian institutions are not recuperating, and they're not stepping up their game sufficiently to be effective.”
Roderic Ai Camp, an expert on the Mexican military and professor at Claremont McKenna College, said “the past three presidents have essentially had no alternative than to rely on the military for counterdrug operations.”
Across Mexico, “there has been a long debate as to whether the military should be playing this role,” Camp said.
But law enforcement is not a job that the military sought, he said.
“They were asked by the civilian leadership to perform this task.”
http://www3.signonsandiego.com/stor...an-militarys-wider-role-questio/?zIndex=46275